By Hannah Arendt
Hannah Arendt’s Eichmann in Jerusalem was once released fifty years in the past, first as a sequence of articles within the New Yorker after which, a number of months later, as a ebook. It’s difficult to consider one other paintings able to surroundings off ferocious polemics a half-century after its publication.
Hannah Arendt's portrayal of the bad effects of blind obedience, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A document at the Banality of Evil comprises an creation by way of Amos Elon in Penguin Classics. Sparking a flurry of heated debate, Hannah Arendt's authoritative and lovely record at the trial of German Nazi SS chief Adolf Eichmann first seemed as a chain of articles within the New Yorker in 1963. This revised variation comprises fabric that got here to gentle after the trial, in addition to Arendt's postscript commenting at the controversy that arose over her publication. a huge journalistic triumph via an highbrow of singular impression, Eichmann in Jerusalem is as stunning because it is informative - a meticulous and unflinching examine some of the most unsettling (and unsettled) problems with the 20th century. Hannah Arendt (1906-1975) was once for a few years collage Professor of Political Philosophy within the Graduate school of the recent institution for Social examine and a traveling Fellow of the Committee on Social notion on the college of Chicago. She is usually the writer of Eichmann in Jerusalem, On Revolution, and among earlier and destiny. in the event you loved Eichmann in Jerusalem, you may like Elie Wiesel's evening, to be had in Penguin sleek Classics. 'Deals with the best challenge of our time ... the matter of the person inside of a contemporary totalitarian system' Bruno Bettelheim, the recent Republic 'A profound and documented research ... guaranteed to stir our minds and hassle our consciences' Chicago Tribune
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Additional info for Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil
Despite the intentions of Ben-Gurion and all the efforts of the prosecution, there remained an individual in the dock, a person of flesh and blood; and if Ben-Gurion did “not care what verdict is delivered against Eichmann,” it was undeniably the sole task of the Jerusalem court to deliver one. ”) Outside Israel (at a meeting of the Catholic Academy in Bavaria, devoted to what the Rheinischer Merkur called “the ticklish problem” of the “possibilities and limits in the coping with historical and political guilt through criminal proceedings”), Servatius went a step farther, and declared that “the only legitimate criminal problem of the Eichmann trial lies in pronouncing judgment against his Israeli captors, which so far has not been done”—a statement, incidentally, that is somewhat difficult to reconcile with his repeated and widely publicized utterances in Israel, in which he called the conduct of the trial “a great, spiritual achievement,” comparing it favorably with the Nuremberg Trials.
Another was Wilhelm Koppe, who had at first managed the gassing in Chelmno and then become successor to Friedrich-Wilhelm Krüger in Poland. He was also the only one in this category who in 1952 had denounced himself publicly for mass murder, but he was never prosecuted for it. The attitude of the German people toward their own past, which all experts on the German question had puzzled over for fifteen years, could hardly have been more clearly demonstrated: they themselves did not much care one way or the other, and did not particularly mind the presence of murderers at large in the country, since none of them were likely to commit murder of their own free will; however, if world opinion—or rather, what the Germans called das Ausland, collecting all countries outside Germany into a singular noun— became obstinate and demanded that these people be punished, they were perfectly willing to oblige, at least up to a point.
An ascendancy over the regular Party apparatus. D. had always been top secret. or Schutzstaffeln had originally been established as special units for the protection of the Party leaders. This was the real beginning of the career which was to end in the Jerusalem court. Because of the enormous rearmament program, unemployment had been liquidated, the initial resistance of the working class was broken, and the hostility of the regime, which had at first been directed primarily against “anti-Fascists”—Communists, Socialists, left-wing intellectuals, and Jews in prominent positions—had not yet shifted entirely to persecution of the Jews qua Jews.